1. RECENT UPDATE FROM HAZEL HILL Kanonhstaton, September 7th, 2006 Good Morning from Grand River. The sun has just peaked over the tree line and the world is looking beautiful and serene. Inside my house everyone is busy getting ready for school and work. Bus schedules are getting used to and the need of school fee's for art, drama, science, music etc. is being discussed while lunches are being prepared. That little glance outside is a gentle reminder, and helps bring about the balance inside of me, for the sometime chaos we feel in life.
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The warnings, intimidations, and pressure of the XVII Brigade military units and police agents, the business owners and armed civilians against the inhabitants of the Humanitarian Zone of Curvarado were frequent since mid-April when farmers returned to Curvarado after 10 years of forced displacement.
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Serious signaling against the international observers. Leaders of the Humanitarian Zones of the Jiguamiendo put in judicial processes While in the areas around Bajira, they collect 100 000 Colombian pesos ($35 US) of the resources financed by the Forest Guard Program, and they are under the control of the Military and Police authorities, Mr.
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The slip-ups of the Forestry Bill in Colombia Perhaps no other Bill in Colombia on environmental matters has given rise to such diverse opinions and to such commotion as the discussion in the Colombian Congress of the General Forestry Law adopted by this institution last December.
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August 2011: British Petroleum Sells colombian buisness to Talisman Energy a canadian company
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This article focuses on the role of multinational corporations in the Colombian conflict, particularly how they contributed to the escalation of land conflicts and to the violent transformation of the rural economy into one based on rentier capital. It also explores how these companies helped in fomenting and financing the war system, an element that could partly explain the protracted persistence of the Colombian conflict.
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Francisco Ramírez Cuellar, the president of mining union Sintraminercol left his home with his girls to take lunch at 1:30 p.m. on Sunday 10th October. On arriving at the corner of 49th Street and 5th Avenue in the Palermo district of Bogotá, he spotted a red and black high cylinder motorbike ridden by two people and coming towards him. The passenger was looking at him fixedly and had a pistol in his right hand resting on his leg. Francisco immediately got behind electricity and telephone cabinets denying the killers a target to shoot at.
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In the December 2000/January 2001 Monitor, I reported that Enbridge Inc., one of Canada's leading energy corporations, was linked to death squads in Colombia according to information provided by Amnesty International. Below, I examine the impact of this revelation in Canada as well as detail the further damage caused in Colombia by the consortium of which Enbridge is a part.
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Francisco Ramirez is President of SINTRAMINERCOL, the union representing workers in the Colombian state-owned mining company MINERCOL, and Secretary of FUNTRAMIENERGETICA, the federation of Colombian energy sector unions including the oil industry workers union USO, SINTRAMINERCOL, and SINTRAMIENERGETICA. He is also a member of the Human Rights Committee of the CUT union federation. Francisco is currently touring Britain, meeting with the NUM, UNISON, T&GWU, UNIFI, TUC (Wales), NWTUC. To arrange further meetings contact the Colombia Solidarity Campaign coordinator Richard Solly:
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This paper explores the contentious relationship between foreign investment and political violence in Colombia. In particular, it examines the impact of Canadian oil investment on the armed conflict. In the past two years, there has been a veritable flood of Canadian oil companies to Colombia, many of which are involved in oil exploration and development in regions of the country where conflict is most intense. Indeed, there appears to be a strong correlation between regions of mineral wealth and regions of political conflict.
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